Abstract This research describes w...

Abstract

This research describes why both Anglo and Latino parents in single public school district in an American east coast major metropolitan area chose to enlist their children in a local Spanish-English two-way immersion program. It reports forward a written attitude survey administered to the parents of the 194 observers enrolled in the program during the 1991-92 sect year. Using questionnaires in as well-as; not only-but also; not only-but; not alone-but Spanish and English, the measure and estimate investigated the relationship between parents' attitudes toward bilingualism and their reasons for enrolling their children in the two-way program. The proceeds demonstrate that, as Fishman envisioned, collections of language-minority and Anglo children "can ultimately wind up in the same classroom, individual motivated by transitional and maintenance considerations and the other by way of enrichment considerations" (1981, p. 525) The thought suggests that two-way immersion shut ups promise as a viable pattern of bilingual education that helps bilingualism in language-majority as well as in language-minority children, while supporting equal educational opportunity for the one and the other groups.

Background to the consideration

Two issues involving language intersect in contemporary American public education. First, delivering English-medium instruction in multilingual classrooms is a continuing challenge in America's highly diverse urban areas. At the same time, mostly majority group Englishspeaking children are not liquid in a language other than English. As Fishman (1981) points gone out foreign language education has been disesteemed in the public schools because Americans have not historically valued societal bilingualism. English-speaking Americans generally consider foreign languages as non-core "elective" denomination subjects for their own children, unless often discourage non-English language maintenance and use among immigrant clusters Zelasko (1992) documents this "bilingual double standard" in American society. She claims that American attitudes toward bilingualism have race in cycles, historically showing "an inverse relationship between positive attitudes toward bilingualism for native English-speakers and positive attitudes toward bilingualism for non-native English-speakers (i.e., support v opposition or disinterest)" (p iv).

Recently leaders in industry, education, and command have cited Americans' general lack of fitness in foreign languages as a national security issue and a major factor contributing to the U los of competitiveness in world economic markets (Edwards, 1987; Panetta, 1992; Ruiz, 1994; Tucker 1991) As early as 1975 at the signing of the Helsinki Accords forward international trade and security, the signatories including the United States command - agreed to promote foreign language learning as an essential prerequisite of international peace and understanding (Conklin & Lourie, 1983 p 231) in succession the local level, many English-speaking American parents want their children to unravel the skills necessary to function in a society which is becoming increasingly diverse, as well-as; not only-but also; not only-but; not alone-but culturally and linguistically. Based in succession these national socioeconomic and demographic transactions that impact local communities, mainstream parents in the United States are again showing interest in having their children bring to maturity bilingual competence through public gymnasium foreign language instruction (Lambert & Taylor, 1988 1990)

One index of this increasing interest in foreign language adequate income is the recent expansion in the number and geographic distribution of twoway immersion programs in public elementary trains across the United States (Christian & Mahrer, 1992 1993; Christian & Montone, 1994; Christian & Whitcher, 1995; Lindholm, 1987) Two-way immersion is content-based instruction using the one and the other English and a second language to teach the regular make liable matter curriculum to classes compos of balanced numbers of English-speaking and language-minority observers (Lindholm 1990; Snow 1989). In 1987 Lindholm identified 30 like programs in eight states in the U The newest program listed, started in 1986 was the site of the parent attitude review reported on here.

By 1995 182 two-way immersion programs had been documented in 18 states and the District of Columbia (Christian & Whitcher, 1995) Considering the historical public opposition to bilingual education in the U (Crawford, 1989; Cummins, 1989; Fishman, 1984; Hakuta, 1986; Secada & Lightfoot, 1993; Ruiz, 1994) this is phenomenal putting out in just eight years for a bilingual instructional prototype A major factor in the popularity and succes of these programs has been the support of the English-speaking parents who desire foreign language education for their children (Craig, 1993) The two-way example addresses the dual challenge to American indoctrinates noted above: it provides for the delivery of instruction in multilingual classrooms while providing the two languagemajority and language-minority students opportunities to disentangle bilingual competence in English and another language. Moreover, as Fishman (1981) indicates two-way immersion supports the languageminority child's right to an education in the mother tongue, as well as the Anglo child's "corresponding right (a cultural right) to receive part of his education via another language in order to attain his maximal personal enrichment" (p 525) This article is a case research of the relationship between mainstream parent attitudes toward bilingualism and their acceptance of and participation in a form of bilingual education: two-way immersion.